A low applicative analysis of External Possession in Russian

Abstract

The paper proposes a low applicative analysis of two constructions with external possessors: namely, dative and PP external possessors headed by the preposition u. I argue that external possessors are merged by a low applicative head immediately above the DP containing the possessee. External possessors may either remain in situ or move to a subject position if there is no higher argument in the clause. I show that dative external possessors can only be licensed in the presence of an Accusative phrase; PP possessors need not be licensed and have a freer distribution. Furthermore, I argue against movement and high applicative analyses of Russian external possessors.