Journal of Slavic Linguistics

Intervention effects in Czech clitic climbing

2024-01-17T04:43:32+00:00

This paper examines restrictions on the ability of Czech second-position clitics to climb out of embedded clauses. Clitics cluster together in a set order, and while arguments of a single verb can freely rearrange themselves to match the required order, arguments of embedded infinitives generally cannot climb over controllers in the matrix clause in object control constructions. I propose that clitic movement is due to a DP probe that comes equipped with a hierarchy of case features, and that clitics reached by the probe in the wrong order are trapped and cannot cliticize. Arguments may freely scramble within a single TP, allowing arbitrary reordering, but embedded arguments cannot scramble over matrix arguments, leading to the restrictions in object control sentences.

Restricting person in comitative conjunction

2023-08-23T17:17:57+00:00

The paper discusses comitative conjunctions in Russian: such constructions are prohibited with the 1st or 2nd person singular pronoun as the host but are allowed with a non-pronominal DP or a plural pronoun as the host. To explain the contrast, I first present a uniform analysis for comitative conjunctions and Inclusive Plural Pronoun Constructions, whereby they are headed by a functional head D that can be realized either as an overt personal pronoun or a pro. Second, I propose that the person restriction stems from a combination of the following factors: (1) the timing of resolving multiple sets of φ-features on a single probe (as D agrees with both conjuncts), and (2) the inventory of silent pronouns available in the language.

Subjunctive clauses as Weak NPIs in Russian

2022-11-07T17:35:09+00:00

This paper investigates a case of polarity-sensitivity of subjunctive complements with verbs like pomnit’ ‘remember’ in Russian: such clauses are possible only in Strawson Downward-Entailing (SDE) environments. I argue that the subjunctive particle by is lexically focus-marked, and activates subdomain alternatives of the predicate it combines with. These alternatives are later on acted upon by a focus operator which requires that all the alternatives to the prejacent are entailed by it. This makes subjunctive complements under verbs like ‘remember’ logically trivial in cases when the sentence is not SDE with respect to the embedded proposition, giving rise to the polarity-sensitivity of subjunctive embedding. One consequence of this proposal is that clausal weak NPIs can be treated on par with pronominal weak NPIs: the only difference between the two is that the latter are indefinite expressions ranging over individuals, whereas the former are indefinites ranging over situations.

The split-comparative hypothesis and the morphology of comparative adverbs in Czech

2023-03-23T11:54:29+00:00

This paper investigates complex allomorphy patterns in comparative adjectives and adverbs in Standard Czech and two of its dialects. We formulate an account of the allomorphy (including microparametric variation) within the Nanosyntax framework (Starke 2018). We argue that in order to capture the facts, we need to adopt two proposals. The first one is a split CMPR hypothesis (Caha et al. 2019), according to which the comparative head splits into two independent projections, C1 and C2. The second idea is a split ADV hypothesis (hinted at in Bobaljik 2012), according to which there are two positions for an ADV head in the functional sequence.

Inverse scope of Russian 'ne dolžen' as neg-raising

2023-08-23T17:21:25+00:00

The inverse scope of negated deontic necessity modals is a typologically robust phenomenon. In this paper I examine Russian necessity modal dolžen ‘must’ in its deontic reading and compare two accounts of its inverse scope: the positive polarity approach and the neg-raising approach. I argue for the following points: (a) neg-raising predicates exhibit typical properties of positive polarity items; (b) the scalar implicature approach to neg-raising derives those properties; (c) dolžen patterns with neg-raising predicates w.r.t. the relevant properties. I conclude that the neg-raising approach perfectly accounts for dolžen and is very close to accounting for English must. I also provide criticism of the competing positive polarity approach.

Russian palatalization is a matter of the tongue body

2023-09-19T23:51:01+00:00

It has long been suggested that the Russian palatalization contrast is primarily one of pharyngeal cavity expansion (and more recently, ATR). Based on an ultrasound study, an analysis of consonant-vowel interactions in the phonology, and the typology of ATR systems, we argue that the contrast is one of the tongue body, and that non-palatalized (velarized) consonants are [+high, +back]. We find no evidence for an active pharyngeal component to the contrast. Our ultrasound study examines consonants in the context of high vowels, something that has very rarely been done.

Concord as morphological realization:

2023-03-21T18:24:00+00:00

Concord refers to the kind of agreement phenomena typically found in the nominal domain. Many have argued for a unified analysis of agreement and concord since both involve the sharing of features among elements. Others contend that the differences between agreement and concord are non-negligible, and that unifying the two produces overcomplicated theories. This paper follows the latter approach and maintains a distinction between concord and agreement. Inspired by Norris’ (2014) theory, I take concord to result from the spell-out of features from dominating nodes on available terminals. In addition to a simpler account of general concord, the proposed analysis offers a novel approach to the complex patterns displayed by Slavic higher numeral constructions. The strength of the system is illustrated through derivations of examples from Russian, Polish, and BCMS.

Non-intrusive questions with matrix ‘dali’ in Bulgarian

2023-03-21T18:15:35+00:00

This paper provides novel insights into the meaning of the particles li and dali used in matrix polar questions in Bulgarian. The primary data source is a corpus of an online chat by five family members created for the purposes of this paper. The main finding is that the two particles give rise to two different types of questions: matrix li questions are canonical, information seeking questions. Matrix dali questions, on the other hand, are non-canonical questions which we identify as non-intrusive questions in the sense of Farkas (2022) and analyze in the Table framework of Farkas & Bruce (2010).

Slovenian adverbial endings argue for a specific adverbial syntax

2022-11-28T14:13:06+00:00

The paper claims that the -o ending on Slovenian deadjectival adverbs is not a designated derivational morpheme for creating adverbs. Against the background of previous literature that questions the existence of adverbs as a category of its own (e.g. Bowers, 1975; Baker, 2003), the paper proposes that the actual source of Slovenian deadjectival adverbs is an adverbial reduced relative clause inside which regular predicative adjectives carry the neuter singular agreement morpheme, which is -o. The paper presents several arguments suggesting that adverbs indeed have a much richer syntactic structure than typically assumed.

On impersonals in Kashubian, Polish, and Silesian

2023-02-10T19:18:42+00:00

In this paper I offer data showing that Kashubian, Polish, and Silesian have a largely parallel system of impersonals with a syntactically projected subject. In the structures with agreeing verbal morphology such as (most) modal impersonals in Kashubian, the subject is nominative, implying that in these structures [CASE] is present in its projection. In the structures with default verbal morphology such as modal impersonals in Polish and Silesian, the subject is not nominative, which follows from the lack of verbal [φ] in the clausal spine (and [Case] in the projection of the subject). The discussion has implications for developing defining characterisations of null subject languages.

Wh&wh coordinations

2023-09-08T14:49:39+00:00

The paper examines wh&wh coordinations (wh&wh), arguing that what makes them possible in a language is not the availability of multiple wh-fronting (MWF), as previously assumed, but the availability of an indeterminate system. Such coordinations are argued to involve derivational coordination formation via sideward merger where the affected elements undergo movement before coordination formation, sideward merger being disallowed from interpreted positions. The derivationally formed coordination undergoes movement upon insertion into the structure. The account captures a clause-mate requirement and ordering constraints on elements involved in wh&wh, as well as a single-pair reading restriction. A typological prediction is that since both MWF and wh&wh depend on the availability of an indeterminate system, but in different ways, there should be a good deal of overlap between MWF languages and languages allowing wh&wh but there should still be languages that allow wh&wh but not MWF, which is borne out.

What are we asking with a polar question in Serbian?

2024-02-20T04:56:07+00:00

This paper discusses contextual distribution of Serbian polar questions with or without high or low negation. The aim is to contribute to cross-linguistic understanding of the interpretation of (negative) polar questions. All polar questions in Serbian are shown to be sensitive to: epistemic bias, tied to speaker’s beliefs and expectations, and evidential bias, tied to the evidence available in the conversation (Sudo 2013). The distribution of Serbian polar questions can be systematically captured by the interplay of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, along the lines of AnderBois’ (2019) inquisitive semantics for questions. The current proposal provides further support for (a) two syntactic positions for negation in Serbian (Progovac 2005, Milićević 2006), and (b) both negations being contentful (building on Milićević 2006).

Nominal Ellipsis of Hybrid Nouns in Serbian

2023-03-28T00:02:09+00:00

This paper investigates nominal ellipsis of hybrid nouns (HNs) in number mismatch contexts in Serbian and argues in support of the following two theoretical points: (i) formal gender of at least some HNs is introduced by the √ROOT + n complex (e.g., Kramer 2016), and (ii) at least some concord is post-syntactic (Kramer 2010, Noyer 1997, Norris 2014 etc.). The main empirical observation is that ellipsis of Serbian HNs in number mismatch contexts is, in contrast to regular nouns, not fully available. I propose that these facts reveal that nominal ellipsis in Serbian has two possible sources: a) a nominal constituent can be elided (PF-deletion), or b) a null nominal proform can be used (e.g. Merchant 2014), and that the availability of these two strategies is constrained by the number of the antecedent.

Associative plurals in Slavic languages and beyond

2024-01-03T20:36:45+00:00

This paper examines the associative plural construction in languages that use the multiplicative plural marker to derive the associative plural (henceforth plural pattern languages) and establishes a novel typological generalization about such languages: all plural pattern languages are either articleless or have affixal articles. To account for this previously unnoticed property of plural pattern languages, a new analysis is presented in which the plural pattern involves incorporation of Num⁰ to the head of a functional projection AssociativeP. It is then argued that associative plurals in South Slavic—which involve plural possessives—also show the plural pattern (i.e., also involve incorporation of the Num head), showing that the current approach can unify cross-linguistically dissimilar associative plurals under one analysis.