Remnant licensing and structural economy in VP ellipsis
Evidence from Czech
Keywords:VP ellipsis, structural economy
Remnant licensing in verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) occurs via remnant movement out of the ellipsis site or base generation outside it. The paper examines a counterexample from two types of Czech auxiliaries: higher ones in T that must be deleted in spite of being generated outside the ellipsis site, and lower ones in v/Asp that can become remnants. We assume spell-out domains determine ellipsis size (Rouveret 2012, Bošković 2014), and remnant licensing is a function of the structural position of the functional material w.r.t the phase head licensing VPE (Aelbrecht & Harwood 2015). However, we propose a new structural economy condition that blocks syntactic merger of higher syntactic CP/TP structure when a vP phase corresponds to a proposition, which is conditional on v having a tense feature with anchoring properties. In such cases, higher functional material is banned from being a remnant because it is not built in syntax, and vP alone must enter a mutual entailment relationship with an ellipsis anaphor.
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Copyright (c) 2023 Ivona Kucerova, Adam Szczegielniak
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